Autor/es
Descripción
ver mas
Colaborador
Nercesian, Inés
De Gori, Esteban
Materias
Temporal Coverage
2000-2018
Idioma
spa
Extent
297 p.
Derechos
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 2.0 Genérica (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Formato
application/pdf
Identificador
Cobertura
CHL
PER
2000-2018
Abstract
From 2000, when the cycle of sustained growth in international commodity prices began, Latin American countries entered a new phase of accumulation characterized by the reinstallation of comparative advantages model as the engine of development. This phase, which acquired the name of neoextractivist, implied the reoccupation of the region from its historic role as producer of raw materials with little or no added value for export to central countries, mainly agricultural products (soybeans, wheat), energy (natural gas, oil) and metallic mining (copper, gold, silver, zinc).
In this scenario, marked by geopolitical constraints such as the erosion of north American unipolarity in the region, the entry of new trading partners, mainly China, as well as the establishment of a new international security framework after the attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States, the Latin American countries implemented a series of political, economic and judicial reforms aimed at improving their commercial competitiveness as investment markets.
In fact, this required the deployment of various mechanisms of internal control, in order to provide extractive projects with a “legal security” framework conducive to the development of their activities. This resulted in the intensification of the containment and repression policies of the anti-extraction protest, which in Chile and Peru were accompanied by the construction of indigenous and indigenous-peasant communities that partially or totally oppose extractive activities, as a threat. A terrorist threat that, coupled with a new context of land disputes, mutated towards ecoterrorism, a category used by government authorities to legitimize their actions on these groups.
The national cases present a series of common elements. In both there was an updating of a terrorist imagery and discourses within the framework of democratic transitions in Chile during the 1990s and in Peru during the 2000s. Both Chile and Peru have a high composition of indigenous population (and indigenous-peasant in the case of the Andean peoples of the Peruvian highlands) historically marginalized, which strengthened the historical claim for the fulfillment of their rights in the face of the expansion of the extractive frontier.
In both countries, a predominantly punitive state response to these demands of a political nature was deployed, turning the manifestations of dissent into acts of treason or obstruction of the nation's development. In 2011, they were the countries with the highest number of conflicts between extractivist companies and communities.
The economies of both countries presented during these years a reprimarized economic profile, sustained on the increase in mining, fishing, forestry and hydrocarbon exports, which allowed them to achieve historical GDP growth margins, encouraging the deepening of this model of development and the consequent escalation of the protest criminalization.
In this context, the present investigation proposes to comparatively analyze the criminalization processes of the anti-extractivism protest in Chile and Peru between 2000 and 2018, focusing on the ways in which the states responded to the demands of the indigenous and indigenous-peasant communities. In the southern region of Chile, as well as in the Peruvian jungle and highlands, we identified the established correlation: towards the social and territorial protest linked to the installation of extractive companies or the deepening of projects existing, the state response is predominantly coercive.
Although the cases differ in the predominant type of extractive project, in the commercial alliances they establish with various countries, or in the historical ways of resolving the internal conflict, in both there is a process of securitization of the development model. Communities that partially or totally oppose extractive projects are built as ecological terrorists or ecoterrorists. It is assumed that, although this political-judicial-media categorization is functional to the current accumulation phase, it is the product of a series of structural violence deployed against these communities since the process of constituting the national States. Thus, the criminalization of anti-extractivist protest appears as the form of state response that enables the growth pattern to be sustained.
The elements mentioned above characterize what in this thesis will be analyzed, from the Historical Sociology perspective, as tensions around the imposition of a new neo-extractivist economic and political order. Thus, the use of state violence is addressed as a resource for the resolution of internal conflicts or, in other words, for the construction and maintenance of a certain order. Based on the foregoing, state violence is explored not only in its repressive face, but also in its productive dimension: the creation of an enemy whose mere existence represents a threat to the nation.
In this scenario, marked by geopolitical constraints such as the erosion of north American unipolarity in the region, the entry of new trading partners, mainly China, as well as the establishment of a new international security framework after the attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States, the Latin American countries implemented a series of political, economic and judicial reforms aimed at improving their commercial competitiveness as investment markets.
In fact, this required the deployment of various mechanisms of internal control, in order to provide extractive projects with a “legal security” framework conducive to the development of their activities. This resulted in the intensification of the containment and repression policies of the anti-extraction protest, which in Chile and Peru were accompanied by the construction of indigenous and indigenous-peasant communities that partially or totally oppose extractive activities, as a threat. A terrorist threat that, coupled with a new context of land disputes, mutated towards ecoterrorism, a category used by government authorities to legitimize their actions on these groups.
The national cases present a series of common elements. In both there was an updating of a terrorist imagery and discourses within the framework of democratic transitions in Chile during the 1990s and in Peru during the 2000s. Both Chile and Peru have a high composition of indigenous population (and indigenous-peasant in the case of the Andean peoples of the Peruvian highlands) historically marginalized, which strengthened the historical claim for the fulfillment of their rights in the face of the expansion of the extractive frontier.
In both countries, a predominantly punitive state response to these demands of a political nature was deployed, turning the manifestations of dissent into acts of treason or obstruction of the nation's development. In 2011, they were the countries with the highest number of conflicts between extractivist companies and communities.
The economies of both countries presented during these years a reprimarized economic profile, sustained on the increase in mining, fishing, forestry and hydrocarbon exports, which allowed them to achieve historical GDP growth margins, encouraging the deepening of this model of development and the consequent escalation of the protest criminalization.
In this context, the present investigation proposes to comparatively analyze the criminalization processes of the anti-extractivism protest in Chile and Peru between 2000 and 2018, focusing on the ways in which the states responded to the demands of the indigenous and indigenous-peasant communities. In the southern region of Chile, as well as in the Peruvian jungle and highlands, we identified the established correlation: towards the social and territorial protest linked to the installation of extractive companies or the deepening of projects existing, the state response is predominantly coercive.
Although the cases differ in the predominant type of extractive project, in the commercial alliances they establish with various countries, or in the historical ways of resolving the internal conflict, in both there is a process of securitization of the development model. Communities that partially or totally oppose extractive projects are built as ecological terrorists or ecoterrorists. It is assumed that, although this political-judicial-media categorization is functional to the current accumulation phase, it is the product of a series of structural violence deployed against these communities since the process of constituting the national States. Thus, the criminalization of anti-extractivist protest appears as the form of state response that enables the growth pattern to be sustained.
The elements mentioned above characterize what in this thesis will be analyzed, from the Historical Sociology perspective, as tensions around the imposition of a new neo-extractivist economic and political order. Thus, the use of state violence is addressed as a resource for the resolution of internal conflicts or, in other words, for the construction and maintenance of a certain order. Based on the foregoing, state violence is explored not only in its repressive face, but also in its productive dimension: the creation of an enemy whose mere existence represents a threat to the nation.
Título obtenido
Doctora de la Universidad de Buenos Aires en Ciencias Sociales
Institución otorgante
Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales