Autor/es
Descripción
ver mas
Colaborador
Feierstein, Daniel Eduardo
Dallorso, Nicolás Santiago
Materias
Spatial Coverage
Temporal Coverage
2003-2007
Idioma
spa
Extent
250 p.
Derechos
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 2.0 Genérica (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Formato
application/pdf
Identificador
Cobertura
ARG
2003-2007
Abstract
This thesis addresses the emerging relational framework based on state practices and government authorities linked to memory and the defense of human rights around the politics of memory before and during the presidency of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007).
Even taking into account the continuous action of the various organizations developed over the years after the culmination of the dictatorship and the changing state policies, the year 2003 meant a turning point in relation to policies related to memory and human rights. This administration was elected with a low flow of votes and after a strong social, political and economic crisis and, thus, tried different ways to build its legitimacy. Among them, the issue of human rights violations during the last military dictatorship and the memories about it was put at the center of the political scene. The present investigation seeks how this was possible and what features this process adopted.
This thesis is framed in a perspective centered on the works of Michel Foucault -as it is explained in the first chapter-, fundamentally those linked to the approach of government and governmentality. This grid of analysis rejects dichotomy dualisms such as State - civil society and proposes a non-ontological view of the State. The work analyzes the modes of behavior conduction that are produced from various government authorities, where government is not reduced to state management.
This thesis proposes that the reorganization of government practices that was consolidated since 2003 was structured by recovering elements emerging from the 2001 experience such as the expansion and resignification of militancy that were subsequently reinscribed in a state grammar based on a new social order organized strongly, though not only, based on the demands of the human rights movement. Key to the effectiveness of the new regime of government practices was the operation of -simultaneously- bring and made invisible the dissentient experience of 2001 by re-inscribing its power in a state grammar and narrating that past as an instance of pure chaos and abnormality. This new grammar had as a condition of possibility for its establishment the affirmation of a caring statehood where the people were defined as hurt.
This thesis makes a genealogical approach structured in two stages. On the one hand, we work on the characterization of what is presented as given and what is being interrogated, as well as on the strategic demarcation of a field of conditions of possibility. This first instance is addressed in the second and third chapters.
A scenario that couples memory and human rights is described through the development of seven indicators: the centrality of the past in the presidential discourse, the deployment of a policy of gestures, the unblocking of judicial impunity, the consolidation of an expert discourse, the production of territorial marks in a politics of visibilities, the development of a policy of celebrations in the official calendar and the configuration of a pedagogy of memory and human rights.
In a backward pivot from this picture the frame of sense around 2001 is re-established regarding the debates and the types of social and political organization characteristic of the years prior to 2003. In addition, we describe the field of adversity that kirchnerism defined and had to go through in response to what was identified as urgent. This field of adversity was established by a series of obstacles or impossibilities: the impossibility of repression, the impossibility of cutting back, the impossibility of representing politically through institutional channels.
On the other hand, in a second stage of research, the genealogy retains its meaning related to the analysis of the ways in which certain regimes of seeing and talking always assume power relations. This development is addressed in the fourth and fifth chapters. To analyze the relational frames that were woven between the various government authorities around the memory and the defense of human rights, discursive practices that shape sayability lines that structure the new regime of governance practices were studied. The way in which the question of memory and human rights is thematized around two cores is analyzed: militancy and statehood.
Within the framework of this second genealogical time, the ways in which discourses are updated, integrated and differentiated in certain relations of force were investigated. The effective practices through which relationships among the multiplicity of government authorities were woven are then analyzed. Management, indemnification, prosecution and empowerment are the practices that draw the particular mapping to analyze relational lattices on which the system of governance practices in the period studied was supported and reconfigured. From there emerged not only the frameworks that made possible the affirmation of statehood, but also exclusions and differential management on which the configuration of this new governing device took shape. Thus, we observe that in the interweaving of the lines of enunciability and the lines of force, not all resistance was produced as militancy, the latter remaining illuminated solely from a new state grammar.
Even taking into account the continuous action of the various organizations developed over the years after the culmination of the dictatorship and the changing state policies, the year 2003 meant a turning point in relation to policies related to memory and human rights. This administration was elected with a low flow of votes and after a strong social, political and economic crisis and, thus, tried different ways to build its legitimacy. Among them, the issue of human rights violations during the last military dictatorship and the memories about it was put at the center of the political scene. The present investigation seeks how this was possible and what features this process adopted.
This thesis is framed in a perspective centered on the works of Michel Foucault -as it is explained in the first chapter-, fundamentally those linked to the approach of government and governmentality. This grid of analysis rejects dichotomy dualisms such as State - civil society and proposes a non-ontological view of the State. The work analyzes the modes of behavior conduction that are produced from various government authorities, where government is not reduced to state management.
This thesis proposes that the reorganization of government practices that was consolidated since 2003 was structured by recovering elements emerging from the 2001 experience such as the expansion and resignification of militancy that were subsequently reinscribed in a state grammar based on a new social order organized strongly, though not only, based on the demands of the human rights movement. Key to the effectiveness of the new regime of government practices was the operation of -simultaneously- bring and made invisible the dissentient experience of 2001 by re-inscribing its power in a state grammar and narrating that past as an instance of pure chaos and abnormality. This new grammar had as a condition of possibility for its establishment the affirmation of a caring statehood where the people were defined as hurt.
This thesis makes a genealogical approach structured in two stages. On the one hand, we work on the characterization of what is presented as given and what is being interrogated, as well as on the strategic demarcation of a field of conditions of possibility. This first instance is addressed in the second and third chapters.
A scenario that couples memory and human rights is described through the development of seven indicators: the centrality of the past in the presidential discourse, the deployment of a policy of gestures, the unblocking of judicial impunity, the consolidation of an expert discourse, the production of territorial marks in a politics of visibilities, the development of a policy of celebrations in the official calendar and the configuration of a pedagogy of memory and human rights.
In a backward pivot from this picture the frame of sense around 2001 is re-established regarding the debates and the types of social and political organization characteristic of the years prior to 2003. In addition, we describe the field of adversity that kirchnerism defined and had to go through in response to what was identified as urgent. This field of adversity was established by a series of obstacles or impossibilities: the impossibility of repression, the impossibility of cutting back, the impossibility of representing politically through institutional channels.
On the other hand, in a second stage of research, the genealogy retains its meaning related to the analysis of the ways in which certain regimes of seeing and talking always assume power relations. This development is addressed in the fourth and fifth chapters. To analyze the relational frames that were woven between the various government authorities around the memory and the defense of human rights, discursive practices that shape sayability lines that structure the new regime of governance practices were studied. The way in which the question of memory and human rights is thematized around two cores is analyzed: militancy and statehood.
Within the framework of this second genealogical time, the ways in which discourses are updated, integrated and differentiated in certain relations of force were investigated. The effective practices through which relationships among the multiplicity of government authorities were woven are then analyzed. Management, indemnification, prosecution and empowerment are the practices that draw the particular mapping to analyze relational lattices on which the system of governance practices in the period studied was supported and reconfigured. From there emerged not only the frameworks that made possible the affirmation of statehood, but also exclusions and differential management on which the configuration of this new governing device took shape. Thus, we observe that in the interweaving of the lines of enunciability and the lines of force, not all resistance was produced as militancy, the latter remaining illuminated solely from a new state grammar.
Título obtenido
Doctora de la Universidad de Buenos Aires en Ciencias Sociales
Institución otorgante
Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales