Autor/es
Descripción
ver mas
Colaborador
Dipaola, Esteban
Vommaro, Pablo
Spatial Coverage
Temporal Coverage
2015-2019
Idioma
spa
Extent
308 p.
Derechos
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 2.0 Genérica (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Formato
application/pdf
Identificador
Cobertura
1136422
Avellaneda (inhabited place)
2015-2019
Abstract
The process that led to the approval of the National Music Law, in 2012, allows us to understand both, the collective action and political participation that musicians assume in the collective demand of their claims, as well as the emergence of organizations of musicians that were created since then. In this context, in Avellaneda the Avellaneda Musicians Union (a group of self-managed musicians that is politically linked and articulates with municipal management to obtain cultural policies) was created and spaces were promoted from the municipal culture area to promote the participation and organizational and collective work of local musicians, among which stands out the Cultural Front "María Remedios del Valle", created in 2018. This group brought together, in 2019, different cultural groups for "military the electoral campaign.
The change to governments identified as neoliberal, in 2015, inaugurated a new cycle of mobilization that, in the local case, is evidenced in the political mobilization supported by the UMA and in the formation of the Cultural Front. By the way, other more current processes show the prominence assumed by local musicians. The demands made by women musicians for greater spaces for participation and their public denunciations of the UMA stand out, due to their exclusionary practices. As well as the complaints and demands for spaces to play live made by certain musicians during the context of ASPO. In this framework, new groups of musicians and professionals from the world of self-managed rock emerged, which came to articulate with the Dirección de Ciudadanía Cultural (DCC) and had a place in the development and implementation of cultural policies aimed at the sector.
The objective of this thesis was to analyze the tensions, tears and conflicts in the relationships between the cultural policy of municipal management and the city's self-managed rock musicians –focusing on the groups at the UMA and at the Cultural Front–, between December 2015 and December 2019. I started by assuming that the links between municipal cultural policy and the self-managed and organized rock musicians of Avellaneda, in addition of generating conditions that benefit musical activity –through networks of cooperation and articulation with state entities–, generates conflicts, tensions and disputes that have to do with the unequal conditions of power between the people and the agents that intervene and with the validity of certain “myths of origin” that, historically, have understood rock as a space of cultural and youth resistance and that the musicians themselves tend to reproduce.
My methodology was based on a qualitative, anthropological work, which included ethnographic field work; In this way, I privileged the perspective of the social actors / actresses themselves and analyzed their practices and interpretations. In short, I privileged an ethnographic approach, I realized the voice of the actors and actresses and my biographical position as an actress that is part of the field studied; and I supported this with a theoretical framework and state of the art. I also resorted to tracking and analyzing secondary sources.
In this work I was able to conclude that although the self-managed rock musicians of Avellaneda relate to the State through its cultural policies based on cooperation, consensus and collective action; conflict, dissent and dispute are a constitutive part of this link. These musicians participate collectively in the processes of demand, negotiation and elaboration of cultural policies; although from unequal conditions of power and in a framework where conflicts and differences of interests emerge. I argue that the disputes within this world of local rock stem from inequalities in access to the cultural policies of the DCC. In addition, this interference is articulated with other dynamics, typical of the local rock world, linked to gender inequalities, inequalities in access (use and appropriation) of digital technologies and the lack of consideration of musicians. as workers of culture. I consider relevant the fact that musicians tend to accuse the UMA of monopolizing the most massive and valued events, by maintaining ties with the DCC; Therefore, from this plot, the rapprochement of musicians is understood, through the organization into new groups, who pushed and demanded the municipality to access and intervene in the development and access to cultural policies directed to the sector.
I understand that the link with the State generates conflicts based on the distribution and access to opportunities –which privileges the UMA Board of Directors– and does not even resolve the issue of recognition of the musician as workers of the culture; at the same time, it tends to exclude female musicians who demand recognition and access and musicians who do not participate in collectives. And although the cultural objectives and policies of the DCC are linked to the paradigm of participatory democracy, and cooperation, commitment and social transformation are central native categories for the UMA, the Cultural Front and the DCC; in this world, conflict, power relations, and unequal distribution and access to state resources prevail. And despite the fact that the DCC claims to recognize musicians as cultural workers –as well as the UMA and the Frente–, its cultural policies do not guarantee job opportunities that allow access to stable pay.
With this thesis I try to give a global vision of how the collective action and activity of all the people and agents, who intervene, cooperate and dispute, make possible and influence the self-managed musical activity of rock musicians in the case local. I hope to contribute to the understanding of the dynamic movements that occur in the political practices and interpretations of self-managed rock musicians; generate reliable information on local musical activity; contribute reflection on work and experiences within the field, from the musical experience itself; and to draw future lines of analysis related to gender issues and to the new ways of carrying out musical activity during the ASPO context.
The change to governments identified as neoliberal, in 2015, inaugurated a new cycle of mobilization that, in the local case, is evidenced in the political mobilization supported by the UMA and in the formation of the Cultural Front. By the way, other more current processes show the prominence assumed by local musicians. The demands made by women musicians for greater spaces for participation and their public denunciations of the UMA stand out, due to their exclusionary practices. As well as the complaints and demands for spaces to play live made by certain musicians during the context of ASPO. In this framework, new groups of musicians and professionals from the world of self-managed rock emerged, which came to articulate with the Dirección de Ciudadanía Cultural (DCC) and had a place in the development and implementation of cultural policies aimed at the sector.
The objective of this thesis was to analyze the tensions, tears and conflicts in the relationships between the cultural policy of municipal management and the city's self-managed rock musicians –focusing on the groups at the UMA and at the Cultural Front–, between December 2015 and December 2019. I started by assuming that the links between municipal cultural policy and the self-managed and organized rock musicians of Avellaneda, in addition of generating conditions that benefit musical activity –through networks of cooperation and articulation with state entities–, generates conflicts, tensions and disputes that have to do with the unequal conditions of power between the people and the agents that intervene and with the validity of certain “myths of origin” that, historically, have understood rock as a space of cultural and youth resistance and that the musicians themselves tend to reproduce.
My methodology was based on a qualitative, anthropological work, which included ethnographic field work; In this way, I privileged the perspective of the social actors / actresses themselves and analyzed their practices and interpretations. In short, I privileged an ethnographic approach, I realized the voice of the actors and actresses and my biographical position as an actress that is part of the field studied; and I supported this with a theoretical framework and state of the art. I also resorted to tracking and analyzing secondary sources.
In this work I was able to conclude that although the self-managed rock musicians of Avellaneda relate to the State through its cultural policies based on cooperation, consensus and collective action; conflict, dissent and dispute are a constitutive part of this link. These musicians participate collectively in the processes of demand, negotiation and elaboration of cultural policies; although from unequal conditions of power and in a framework where conflicts and differences of interests emerge. I argue that the disputes within this world of local rock stem from inequalities in access to the cultural policies of the DCC. In addition, this interference is articulated with other dynamics, typical of the local rock world, linked to gender inequalities, inequalities in access (use and appropriation) of digital technologies and the lack of consideration of musicians. as workers of culture. I consider relevant the fact that musicians tend to accuse the UMA of monopolizing the most massive and valued events, by maintaining ties with the DCC; Therefore, from this plot, the rapprochement of musicians is understood, through the organization into new groups, who pushed and demanded the municipality to access and intervene in the development and access to cultural policies directed to the sector.
I understand that the link with the State generates conflicts based on the distribution and access to opportunities –which privileges the UMA Board of Directors– and does not even resolve the issue of recognition of the musician as workers of the culture; at the same time, it tends to exclude female musicians who demand recognition and access and musicians who do not participate in collectives. And although the cultural objectives and policies of the DCC are linked to the paradigm of participatory democracy, and cooperation, commitment and social transformation are central native categories for the UMA, the Cultural Front and the DCC; in this world, conflict, power relations, and unequal distribution and access to state resources prevail. And despite the fact that the DCC claims to recognize musicians as cultural workers –as well as the UMA and the Frente–, its cultural policies do not guarantee job opportunities that allow access to stable pay.
With this thesis I try to give a global vision of how the collective action and activity of all the people and agents, who intervene, cooperate and dispute, make possible and influence the self-managed musical activity of rock musicians in the case local. I hope to contribute to the understanding of the dynamic movements that occur in the political practices and interpretations of self-managed rock musicians; generate reliable information on local musical activity; contribute reflection on work and experiences within the field, from the musical experience itself; and to draw future lines of analysis related to gender issues and to the new ways of carrying out musical activity during the ASPO context.
Título obtenido
Doctora de la Universidad de Buenos Aires en Ciencias Sociales
Institución otorgante
Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales