Autor/es
Descripción
ver mas
Colaborador
Gluz, Nora Beatriz
Materias
Spatial Coverage
Temporal Coverage
2006-2019
Idioma
spa
Extent
305 p.
Derechos
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 4.0 Internacional (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
Formato
application/pdf
Identificador
Cobertura
1001160
Buenos Aires (province)
7593303
Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (autonomus city)
1001450
Neuquén (province)
2006-2019
Abstract
This thesis is part of the studies on the role of the State, the trajectory of public policies in the educational field and the mechanisms established to materialize the right to education in a federal country. We analyzed the reconfigurations of Argentinian educational federalism based on the study of educational policies for secondary school created in a context in which the recomposition of the level made progress, which had been destructured during the educational reform of the 90s, and was defined as part of compulsory schooling. We considered these policies as an analyzer of the reconfigurations of educational federalism since they allowed us to explore how provincial autonomies were intertwined with the national unity that characterizes this type of government, in the face of the historically specific legal mandate to rebuild the unity of the national educational system as a principle inscribed in the National Education Law 26.206 of 2006 considering the new right -secondary education- in the framework of a wide dispersion of jurisdictional educational structures.
Our analysis of educational federalism included both the distribution and articulation of responsibilities, obligations and resources between the Nation and the jurisdictions, as well as the definitions of the educational policy agenda of each governmental level, the actors and the power relations involved, in addition to the instances for the federal articulation that were configured in the period 2006-2019.
The period of analysis covered from the sanction of the National Education Law that established the obligatory nature of the secondary level until 2019, focusing on the policies of the national government of the Frente para la Victoria (FPV) (2003-2015) and the Alianza Cambiemos (AC) (2016-2019).
The question about educational federalism is relevant because its characteristics condition, in a context of educational fragmentation, the possibilities to make effective the right to education in equivalent conditions in the national territory. We were interested in producing knowledge on a subject that has not been studied in depth, especially in the period we cover, advancing from the productions on the subject developed centrally in relation to the reform of the nineties and the change in the role of the Federal Council of Education from 2006. One of the working hypotheses that guided this thesis maintains that the orientations, policies and institutions promoted by the “new sign” governments (Feldfeber and Gluz, 2011) were based on a conception of national unity defined in terms of the implementation of similar strategies in all jurisdictions and equal provision of resources by the national level. Instead, the governments of the “new rights” (Houtart, 2016) tended to strengthen jurisdictional autonomy, and responsibility for their actions as a counterpart, in the name of freedom and at the same time they conceived an ideal of unity focused on obtaining similar measurable outcomes. Regarding the subnational levels, another of the working hypotheses aimed to give a relevant place to the analysis of the jurisdictions in the construction of the federalism since, beyond the models proposed by the different governments in power at the national level, it is in the relations with each province at each particular moment that the configuration of Argentinian educational federalism is defined.
We specified this analysis in three jurisdictional cases -the province of Buenos Aires, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and Neuquén- with different starting points in their challenges towards compulsory secondary education, in order to account for the margin of action of the subnational levels in the definition and enactment of the policies, the tensions with the central level and its (im)possibilities of being integrated into a logic of national unity.
To meet the proposed objectives, the research adopted a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of secondary data and semi-structured interviews with civil servants and public officials fro m the national and jurisdictional education sector.
Among the findings of the thesis we found, in the first place, two different models of educational federalism in the two national administrations of different signs analyzed. During the FPV government, the educational policy agenda was focused on a commitment to common and universal strategies and in the model of federalism they proposed the Nation opened up the game a bit and drew the line for the provinces simultaneously. While in the AC government, the educational policy agenda focused on quality as a common goal and evaluation as a tool, and the model of educational federalism proposed conceived the Nation as an auditor and the provinces as entrepreneurs. Secondly, we found different performance profiles in the three jurisdictions selected in the federal game of the two national governments of different signs analyzed. Thus, the province of Buenos Aires presented itself negotiating with the Nation, contributing to the national project with the FPV and defending its own ideas from the AC; the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires was the pioneer and autonomous par excellence that created a new secondary school for a national alternative to the FPV and that kept its autonomy intact with the national government of the AC although they were of the same political sign; and Neuquén always remained immersed in its local scenario but making “as if” it was implementing the national proposals in the first case and carrying out its own jurisdictional policy, thanks to the local government-teachers’ union alliance, in the second.
Our analysis of educational federalism included both the distribution and articulation of responsibilities, obligations and resources between the Nation and the jurisdictions, as well as the definitions of the educational policy agenda of each governmental level, the actors and the power relations involved, in addition to the instances for the federal articulation that were configured in the period 2006-2019.
The period of analysis covered from the sanction of the National Education Law that established the obligatory nature of the secondary level until 2019, focusing on the policies of the national government of the Frente para la Victoria (FPV) (2003-2015) and the Alianza Cambiemos (AC) (2016-2019).
The question about educational federalism is relevant because its characteristics condition, in a context of educational fragmentation, the possibilities to make effective the right to education in equivalent conditions in the national territory. We were interested in producing knowledge on a subject that has not been studied in depth, especially in the period we cover, advancing from the productions on the subject developed centrally in relation to the reform of the nineties and the change in the role of the Federal Council of Education from 2006. One of the working hypotheses that guided this thesis maintains that the orientations, policies and institutions promoted by the “new sign” governments (Feldfeber and Gluz, 2011) were based on a conception of national unity defined in terms of the implementation of similar strategies in all jurisdictions and equal provision of resources by the national level. Instead, the governments of the “new rights” (Houtart, 2016) tended to strengthen jurisdictional autonomy, and responsibility for their actions as a counterpart, in the name of freedom and at the same time they conceived an ideal of unity focused on obtaining similar measurable outcomes. Regarding the subnational levels, another of the working hypotheses aimed to give a relevant place to the analysis of the jurisdictions in the construction of the federalism since, beyond the models proposed by the different governments in power at the national level, it is in the relations with each province at each particular moment that the configuration of Argentinian educational federalism is defined.
We specified this analysis in three jurisdictional cases -the province of Buenos Aires, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and Neuquén- with different starting points in their challenges towards compulsory secondary education, in order to account for the margin of action of the subnational levels in the definition and enactment of the policies, the tensions with the central level and its (im)possibilities of being integrated into a logic of national unity.
To meet the proposed objectives, the research adopted a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of secondary data and semi-structured interviews with civil servants and public officials fro m the national and jurisdictional education sector.
Among the findings of the thesis we found, in the first place, two different models of educational federalism in the two national administrations of different signs analyzed. During the FPV government, the educational policy agenda was focused on a commitment to common and universal strategies and in the model of federalism they proposed the Nation opened up the game a bit and drew the line for the provinces simultaneously. While in the AC government, the educational policy agenda focused on quality as a common goal and evaluation as a tool, and the model of educational federalism proposed conceived the Nation as an auditor and the provinces as entrepreneurs. Secondly, we found different performance profiles in the three jurisdictions selected in the federal game of the two national governments of different signs analyzed. Thus, the province of Buenos Aires presented itself negotiating with the Nation, contributing to the national project with the FPV and defending its own ideas from the AC; the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires was the pioneer and autonomous par excellence that created a new secondary school for a national alternative to the FPV and that kept its autonomy intact with the national government of the AC although they were of the same political sign; and Neuquén always remained immersed in its local scenario but making “as if” it was implementing the national proposals in the first case and carrying out its own jurisdictional policy, thanks to the local government-teachers’ union alliance, in the second.
Título obtenido
Doctora de la Universidad de Buenos Aires en Ciencias Sociales
Institución otorgante
Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales